Portraits of World Citizens.
       

Jack Whitehouse and Harris Wofford,
World Federalist Youth

Joseph Preston Baratta

"Action, action, we want action," chanted the young people during long speeches at the founding congress of the World Federalist Movement in Montreux. World War II had ended just two years before, and veterans, students, and young people generally wanted desperately to build a Europe and a world without war. Youth, who numbered about half (150) of all the attendees at Montreux (1947), had a leavening influence on the emerging federalist movement, just as they do now in the peace, environmental, anti-nuclear, globalization, and human rights movements.

Remfer Lee ("Jack") Whitehouse was a wounded World War II veteran from Chicago, who, with others angry at the drift back toward war, founded at Northwestern University Students for Federal World Government, later called World Republic. They formed the radical youth wing of the federalist movement. One of their organizing rules was: "Don't give money. Give an hour of your time." Their motto was: "It's later than you think." World Republic was the moving spirit, as 1946 was frittered away, to unite the more popular World Federalists U.S.A. with the more elite Americans United for World Government into United World Federalists by 1947. But within two weeks, President Truman announced the containment policy, which is usually regarded historically as the beginning of the Cold War. The whole movement struggled against the new policies of breaking the alliance with the Soviet Union, abandoning the United Nations, rearmament, reintroduction of conscription, and the North Atlantic Treaty. As the "adult" movement, despite progress in state and national legislatures (16 bills in the U.S. Congress, dissenting speeches in the British Parliament), slowly was overcome by the new nationalist policies, youth from World Republic helped to create World Student Federalists within the World Movement, and they persisted to this day. The Korean War of 1950 marked the end of the transitional period in the coming of the Cold War, which ground on, like a glacier slipping toward the sea, until 1990. Whitehouse ended his career as an ordained Episcopal priest, serving for 32 years at the Church of the Epiphany on South Ashland in a black ghetto.

Harris Wofford founded the mainstream Student Federalists, first within Clarence Streit's Federal Union during the war and then as one of the groups that joined United World Federalists. He was inspired, it is said, in the bathtub while listening to Streit on the radio in 1942. (Streit had proposed a Union of Democracies first to prevent World War II and then to win it and keep the peace to follow.) Wofford immediately formed a student chapter at his high school. So many similar chapters sprang up in 20 states that Streit remarked to Newsweek, "[The student movement] has grown up of itself, not pushed by us-rather, they are pushing us." Wofford himself was drafted into the Army stateside, got a furlough to go to San Francisco for the creation of the United Nations Organization in 1945, went to college at the University of Chicago, where he fell under the sway of Robert M. Hutchins' Committee to Frame a World Constitution, became a trustee of the Foundation for World Government, where he opened up links with India and the Third World, and later, in an effort to break with racist admissions at Ivy League schools, deliberately attended law school at Howard University, though he graduated from Yale. When Kennedy became president, bringing fresh air to Washington, Wofford joined the Peace Corps and served as East African regional director. Later, a prominent liberal, he was appointed a senator from Pennsylvania to fill the vacated seat of the late John Heinz.

Youth had energy, drive, curiosity, and commitment-but no money. The problem for young people was What to do. The serious thinking was done by adults like Hutchins and Grenville Clark, and the politicking to win passage of state and national world federalist resolutions had to be conducted by responsible, mature organizations. But again and again, youth showed ways forward. They felt their identity as world citizens. The believed they had the power to create the world federal government on which to base effective world citizenship.

Young Wofford was able to articulate the vision of students before being called up to fight. In April 1944, at the first national Student Federalist convention in New York City, Wofford made an eloquent address. He picked up on a remark by former U.S. ambassador to the Soviet Union, William C. Bullitt, that after a great war there comes a "period of flux," when "as Tom Paine would have put it, we have it in our power to begin the world over again." Such a sense of historic opportunity was at the root of young people's optimism in those years. Many thousands of Americans had become convinced, argued Wofford, "that anarchy brings on war, that world peace will come through world government." He thought that past educational efforts had taught many what world citizenship would mean and thus had helped prepare the future.

Wofford did get to San Francisco, where young John F. Kennedy, back from the loss of PT-109, was also in the audience. Kennedy left behind a comment on the federalist project: "Admittedly world organization with common obedience to law would be the solution," he noted. "Not that easy. If there is not the feeling that war is the ultimate evil, a feeling strong enough to drive them together, then you can't work out this internationalist plan." To a fellow veteran he said, "Things cannot be forced from the top."
The international relinquishing of sovereignty would have to spring from the people-it would have to be so strong that the elected delegates would be turned out of office if they failed to do it.… We must face the truth that the people have not been horrified by war to a sufficient extent to force them to go to any extent rather that have another war.… War will exist until that distant day when the conscientious objector enjoys the same reputation and prestige that the warrior does today.

Jack Whitehouse's Students for Federal World Government, who began forming at Northwestern University in 1946 as fast as they could be demobilized, were warriors who aimed to mobilize the people against war. Whitehouse, a senior, had been seriously wounded in France; David McCoy, sophomore, had been a navy corpsman; Paul W. Sauer, graduate student, had had two ships torpedoed under him while serving in the merchant marine. Campus organizing was not then what it has since become (college men then still wore coats and ties, and women dresses), and by spring their group, Anchor and Eagle, were thrown off campus. They simply set up in a neighborhood garage and later found the resources to rent a storefront in downtown Evanston.

Students for Federal World Government was a grassroots organization. Its members united spontaneously, very little influenced by the world government movement of the times. They were "radical" not in the European sense of left-socialist, though there was a tinge of that, but in the American sense of direct-democratic. One of their most striking innovations-and a secret of their enormous energy-was a requirement that members contribute not dues but one hour's work per week. At least for one period, a male dormitory was part of headquarters, so the staff actually devoted their lives to the organization. They studied books, like Emery Reves' Anatomy of Peace, and they mastered the new U.N. Charter. They understood outreach: they acquired a printing press and even a radio station, and they were masters of the public rally on a shoestring. Once they got Albert Einstein to speak by radio to a rally at the Chicago Stadium. They advertised by dropping leaflets from a small plane. They had a sense of symbolism: they acquired a World Republic flag-Boris Artzybasheff's rainbow flag, a runner-up in the 1946 contest for a United Nations flag.

The original leaders were World War II veterans who were not about to take a complaisant view of what seemed to them like preparations for World War III. They immediately saw that world government was the goal, if war were to be abolished, and that Henry Usborne's peoples' world constitutional convention was the means to get it, since national governments showed hardly any signs of taking the initiative. They were in no position, like Grenville Clark, to engage the Eastern establishment in serious discussion, so the peoples' convention offered them a way to engage ordinary Americans. They happily left most schools to Harris Wofford's Student Federalists.

Students for Federal World Government then began a kind of inspired, angry mass speaking and letter-writing campaign that first covered Northwestern, then contacted many colleges and universities in the United States and selected ones abroad, and finally tried to reach all strata of society, beginning in a few cities mostly in the Midwest. When they acquired the storefront building in Evanston in early 1947, they changed their name to World Republic. In their short life (1946-47, though an office lingered on until 1953), the World Republic boys as they came to be affectionately known by their opponents in the mainstream of the movement, were the greatest champions, since Rosika Schwimmer, of the peoples' convention approach to world government, as opposed to government-initiated U.N. reform. Theirs was the revolutionary approach, not the evolutionary.

They had two significant achievements. First, their audacity broke the inter-organizational jealousies between Americans United and World Federalists, U.S.A., to bring about the merger of five world government mass organizations into United World Federalists in early 1947. Second, their recklessness moved them to send one of their members, Fred Carney, to England in late 1946, where he organized the Student Movement for World Government, precursor to World Student Federalists of late 1947, which repeatedly, despite many name changes, kept the world movement alive down to the 1990s.

Historically, the World Republic boys represented a stage of a slowly forming, briefly strong popular will to take the sovereign power from national governments and redistribute it between a federal world government and the federated national governments. The flame of world union burned brightly in that group. Their practical goal was to support Henry Usborne's Crusade for World Government, whose object was the holding of an actual peoples' convention in Geneva in 1950. As an internal history put it, "THEY WERE DOING SOMETHING."

By late 1946, the U.S. government, Europe, and the little world federalist movement were in crisis. No American politicians came forward to lead the people toward what federalists thought was the necessary goal-reform of the U.N. by creating a popularly representative world legislature, an executive of the world laws, and a world court system to enforce the laws. Grenville Clark was studying events after official neglect of his Dublin proposals. World Federalists were just placing a few advertisements in the papers. Americans United were disappointed that former secretary of state Edward Stettinius had turned them down for their annual dinner. Student Federalists were reading books on world government. The Massachusetts Committee for World Federation were contemplating a new referendum for the state house. The Chicago Committee to Frame a World Constitution was not yet ready to publish. The atomic scientists were divided about whether to go beyond the international control of atomic energy to the larger project of world government. Prof. Norbert Wiener wrote an open letter to scientists not to participate in building the new intercontinental ballistic missiles, though most scientists and engineers raced to join the program. The Paris peace conference to prepare negotiations on peace treaties with the Axis powers broke up. European federalists were divided between European union or world union. The Chicago Tribune was labeling world federalists "Communist," while Izvestia saw them engaged in a "capitalist plot."

In such a chaotic atmosphere, Whitehouse appointed himself temporary chairman of a coordinating committee to bring about a national conference to unite all world government groups on Thanksgiving Day in November. "This action," he wrote the invitees, "is long overdue. There often appears to be a duplication of efforts and a waste of time, energy and finances because of the lack of correlated activities of all groups concerned." This was the initiative that would lead to the formation of United World Federalists. The Thanksgiving Day conference, after rather heroic efforts (Whitehouse spoke to rival Student Federalists in September), did take place, and a planning committee, entitled the U.S. Council of the Movement for World Federal Government (by reference to the recent Luxembourg conference), was formed for the legal merger. The committee, usually consisting of Stewart Ogilvy for World Federalists, Thomas Finletter for Americans United, Helen Ball for Student Federalists, Thomas Mahony for the Massachusetts Committee, and Phillips Ruopp for Students for Federal World Government, began meeting at World Government House (31 East 74th Street) in New York to lay the groundwork for the unification "congress." They decided to hold the congress by February in the popular Blue Ridge mountain resort town of Asheville, North Carolina.

It fell to Thomas K. Finletter, a Wall Street lawyer, colleague of Grenville Clark, and eventually Truman's secretary of the air force, to design United World Federalists. He and Jack Whitehouse soon came to a conflict of vision. Merger was a serious step. It was not setting up a mere coordinating council but rather the "establishment of a New Corporation in which would be vested all of the property, personnel and interests of the constituent groups, the latter to disappear from the scene," as Finletter proposed. Voting on merger was to be proportional to proven membership. The intent was to create what we would call a political lobby. Finletter designed it on the model of a public corporation. A board of directors of 30 would be elected, who would have the power to co-opt an additional 20 and appoint an executive committee of 12. Policy, other than the general one to "engage in activities looking to a federal world government," would be decided by an annual convention of the membership and in the interim by the executive committee. Dues were to be $3 per year, of which $1 was to go for a subscription to World Government News, $1 to the local chapter, 50¢ to the state branch, and 50¢ to the national corporation.

Major position statements preceded the congress. The great issue was peoples' convention versus U.N. reform. Generally, the older, adult, and more established groups preferred to work through the United Nations, while the younger, student, and more independent groups urged radical action. The position paper for World Republic on the eve of Asheville was written by Phillips Ruopp, just released by the U.S. Army. Ruopp began with the goal of federal world government as the "minimal framework" for a "dynamic peace," then passed directly to the impending split over means. His whole paper was an argument that the two means of government-initiated U.N. reform and the peoples' convention were not contradictory but complementary. It was only too likely that both means would fail and the world would be united by atomic conquest and tyranny, Ruopp argued. The older movement had been working for years for governmental action and become fairly well recognized; but the newer one aiming at a direct appeal to the people had recently gained in popularity. What was needed was "a program which keeps world government squarely in the public eye. This means world government is an issue in the 1948 elections," Ruopp argued. A direct appeal to the people was consistent with American Revolutionary traditions. "We are working against time."

Ruopp was immediately answered by Vernon Nash of World Federalists. Nash came straight to the threat of revolution: "In my judgment, no enemy of the effort for world government could possibly do us as much harm as spokesmen on our side urging a kind of direct action which would try to bypass governments." His shrinking from the peoples' convention was not just fear, said Nash. It might be possible to bypass governments to draft a world constitution, but to ratify the constitution and put it into effect, activists would run into "exactly the same handicap" that made them turn from governments in the first place.
There is thus no escaping the necessity of persuading our governments to act, unless one is prepared to espouse revolutionary tactics at some stage in the process. Since we must win over our political leaders (or change them) sooner or later, why not stay on the ball from the beginning?

The controversy between the advocates of a peoples' convention or U.N. reform went to the depths of the world government movement. The issue was not revolution, for both approaches were in principle revolutionary, in the sense of aiming to establish a new sovereign authority above those of the nation-states for at least minimal common purposes. Grenville Clark cited the same precedent of the U.S. Constitution for his proposals to amend the U.N. Charter as did Georgia Lloyd for a peoples' convention. Even Vernon Nash, who threw up fear of violent revolution to oppose the more radical popular approach, did not doubt that world government was something new in human history, which needed popular backing. A year later Harris Wofford would be saying:
What is proposed is that federalists wake up to the fact that they have stumbled into man's greatest peaceful revolution, and that they are its vanguard. It is the revolution to establish the brotherhood of man.

No one, apparently, openly cited the precedents of the French Revolution or the Russian Revolution, though terms like "constituent assembly" or "provisional world government" would seem to be drawn from those historic cases. Deep down, everybody realized, with greater or lesser degrees of reasonableness, that federal world government was untried.

Who could tell what would happen if vast numbers of people loosened their loyalties to their established governments? What new birth of freedom or decline into chaos might develop in a world constitutional convention? How could even a minimal world government, granted power only to prevent war, be established peacefully? There were the precedents of all the other federal systems, but never one over such a "bedlam" of peoples, to use Senator Vandenberg's word, as the whole world.

On the other hand, there was also a long history of war, and the next war, if atomic, threatened to destroy all civilization. To the people excitedly gathering in Asheville, the historical experiment was necessary. Their differences came down to a difference in temperament, in attitude, in courage, manifested in the two attitudes toward the people. One side feared them, the other trusted them. One side preferred a "top-level" approach as the safest course; the other, an active field program as the only effective political one.

One would work cautiously through governments, giving the people little to do but register their opinions (Nash was especially fond at this time of World Federalists' "call-for-action" postcards), in order to provide for the most orderly transition to world government. The other, convinced that national governments were the great obstacle to peace, would seek to exercise the theoretical sovereignty of the people, in order to establish world government at all. The one, in nuce, was the party of Hamilton, Lafayette, and Plekhanov. The other, that of Jefferson, Robespierre, and Lenin. At Asheville, the little world government movement decided to take the side of caution.

The whole matter climaxed in an angry exchange between Finletter and Whitehouse. Ruopp proposed that the goal of UWF to "strengthen the United Nations into a world government" be changed to "create a world government." That artful dodge implied that UWF could work for either gradual UN. reform or the more revolutionary peoples' convention.

"The proposed amendment would indicate bypassing and working outside of the UN," responded Mahony. "The committee felt that it was necessary to work through the instrument already at hand in order to avoid dangerous delay in establishing world government."

Edgar Ansel Mowrer, formerly one of the bitterest critics of the U.N., added, "Not to support the UN while it is the organization in the public eye and while it has a chance of going ahead to the goal in view would be the sheerest folly."

"World Republic," Fred Carney defiantly replied, "cannot join the merger if the proposed statement passes."

Whitehouse spoke sharply: "The issue is not the United Nations but how to get peace. Governments and men appointed by governments to the UN do not represent the people directly but represent various interests and are not qualified to make a constitution for the people of the world."

"There is the right of revolution," exclaimed Finletter, "but we haven't come to that yet."

Whitehouse, unable any longer to contain his antipathy for the corporation lawyer, answered, "This is not revolution but a democratic method!"

Student Federalists at this point acted as the peacemakers. Younger and more idealistic, they were amenable to a dual approach. Both Colgate Prentice and Harris Wofford urged that the group not split on the issue.

But in the end at Ashville World Republic decided not to join United World Federalists. Perhaps that was a mistake. The boys soon discovered that, as the Cold War heated up (Truman doctrine, Marshall plan, Cominform, Czech coup, Berlin crisis, airlift, North Atlantic Treaty), the American people were not attracted to a constitutional convention to unite the world. World Republic could not pay another three months rent on the peace palace in Evanston, emissaries to prospective chapters in the Midwest returned empty handed, and by 1948 Sauer, McCoy, and even Whitehouse resigned. The last of the group to keep the flame was Philip Isely,

United World Federalists formed under Cord Meyer, Jr., who was himself young (26) and a wounded veteran. Meyer had been Commander Harold Stassen's aide at the San Francisco conference to complete the drafting of the U.N. Charter in 1945. He had served with the 22nd Marine Regiment in the assaults on Eniwetok and Guam, where he was wounded in the face by a Japanese hand grenade and lost an eye. Some vivid wartime letters of his published in the Atlantic in 1944 brought him to the attention of Stassen. After the San Francisco conference, Meyer published an articles on the inadequacies of the U.N. Charter, establishing himself as an informed and mature advocate of world government.

As a wounded veteran and an advocate of world legal institutions to prevent another war, he possessed a peculiar personal authority, which many perceived on contact with him. "That young man has the best mind," Stassen once said, "of any young man in America." Meyer was invited to the Dublin conference of late 1945. His logic and seriousness impressed such leading internationalists as Grenville Clark, Thomas K. Finletter, Norman Cousins, and Emery Reves. He made similar impressions at the Rollins College conference of early 1946.

The pattern became a kind of legend: Some very important person would meet him, think he was a bright young man who ought to get on in the world, then suggest another important person he should meet. Through such connections, Meyer became a board member of Americans United for World Government, World Federalists, U.S.A., the Massachusetts Committee for World Federation, and Student Federalists-the constituent organizations of United World Federalists. He also became a member of the national planning committee of the new American Veterans Committee, where he was instrumental in setting the policy of this rival of the American Legion and the Veterans of Foreign Wars in favor of world government.

Hence, it was natural for the executive council of UWF in May 1947 to choose Meyer for their president. Someone objected that he was perhaps too young and inexperienced to take on the presidency of an organization aiming to move the United States and then the whole world toward the establishment of world government. To this the New York attorney and later popular UWF parliamentarian A.J.G. Priest replied: "Too young! May I point out that Hamilton, Jefferson, and Madison did their best work before they reached their thirties. I know this young man well. Despite my age, I know that I and others here would all be honored to make Cord Meyer our leader and to follow him."

As a young executive at UWF headquarters in New York, Meyer was unsparing of himself, exacting of others. He made about 200 speaking engagements all over the country (his asking fee was $150, but he often took less, $75 or $50, all turned over to UWF). When he was in town, his secretary gave him three or four appointments each day-fund raising meetings, interviews, talks with casual acquaintances met on his trips-and Cord, who never insisted that callers come to him, would go uncomplaining to whatever address she gave him.

Back in the office, young Meyer saw a constant traffic of staffers go by his desk. He personally approved every plan and publicity release to go out from headquarters. A policy speech took him about the same time as a courtesy note. He never indulged in social lunches, reserving that time for business, and usually the cocktail hour, too. He was an excellent parliamentarian. Some who worked under him found him cold, even "Prussian," but there can be no doubt that Cord Meyer was a resourceful, courageous, and persuasive leader of the movement, sincerely devoted to the cause of limited world government. "Your contribution to our conference last Saturday," wrote one listener, "has produced many comments appreciative of both the manner and the matter of your talk. We are grateful."

Meanwhile, the Student Division of UWF became even more active. At the first UWF annual convention in St. Louis in 1947, a dramatic gesture came when 15 students volunteered to take the next semester off from school to work on an expense basis to spread the gospel of world government, like St. Paul. (To do is to teach.) The national press began to more seriously cover the world federalists. At the University of Chicago, Phillips Ruopp and young Stephen Benedict became assistant editors of Common Cause, the Committee to Frame a World Constitution's new journal. (Another way to act is to edit a journal.) Harris Wofford, then a student there, joined them in an effort to convert UWF to the committee's maximalist creed. (UWF aimed at a limited world government with only minimal powers to maintain international peace and security; the Chicago committee favored maximal powers to maintain both peace and justice.) In August 1947, Wofford brought the gospel of maximalism to the founding Montreux congress of the World Federalist Movement. Two days before the congress, he went to Prague for the World Youth Festival and interviewed Foreign Minister Jan Masaryk, who later was mysteriously killed after the Communist party coup of 1948. Masaryk bitterly complained against Truman, reported Wofford, for labeling Czechoslovakia "Red," and approved "One World" as the "only rational attitude" for a European. Wofford brought a few Czech students trailing behind him to the Swiss congress to unite the world. This welcome contact with the one country that might have been a bridge between East and West inspired the congress to propose to hold its 1948 meeting in Prague.

The Communist coup in Czechoslovakia in February 1948 defeated that particular world federalist fancy. Wofford then became very active at the university in the formation of the million dollar Foundation for World Government. (To act, find money.) He did not oppose Henry Wallace as a fellow trustee, but neither did he support him, as did Stringfellow Barr and Scott Buchanan, for president on the Progressive ticket. The whole thing ended very badly, as Meyer for UWF, Harrison Brown for Einstein's Emergency Committee of the Atomic Scientists, and Edith Wynner of the Campaign for World Government refused to touch the money. A pittance went to Henry Usborne's Crusade, which was supposed to be the beneficiary of the money. But Wofford and his new bride, Claire Lindgren, on foundation account travelled to India to sound out Jawaharlal Nehru on leading what was then called the "middle world" on a campaign for world government. (Let others wage wars, but you, happy federalist, marry!) He wrote a book about the trip, India Afire (1951). It marked the beginning of First World attention to what Frantz Fanon would call the Third World (1961).

There was one final act of the students. After the Korean War began, UWF found itself in the absurd position of advocating a union with the very state that most people in the West regarded as on a course of Communist aggression. So in January 1951, the leadership under Alan Cranston (Meyer had already left for the CIA) made a top-down decision to liquidate the field program, fire its organizer Vernon Nash, defund the student division, abandon World Government News, and lay low for the duration. A motion by student Lawrence Fuchs to restore "world government" and "world federation" to the key motion lost. Fritjof Thygeson, a student federalist since the early 1940s and now a student at Stanford, withdrew saying, "When UWF is too narrow to include Vernon Nash, it is also too narrow for me." The young Immanuel Wallerstein, a member of the executive committee at its top-down decision, objected: "It is to protest the futility of collective security that federalism was born."

There was nothing left to do for the great project of establishing a world federation as the basis of legal world citizenship, it seemed. But the students in the World Movement, established by Fred Carney's daring mission in 1947, refused to give up. By the 1960s, the youth section in WAWF had begun to reassert itself against American domination, stock anticommunism, and static federalism. Denis Lovelace, secretary of Young World Federalists, actually traveled to Moscow for a peace conference in 1962, eleven years before UWF dared to do such a thing. Later, groups of Norwegian and Danish young federalists visited the Soviet Union, and Finn Laursen traveled in Poland. In 1966, the Youth and Student Division, with Nobel Prize-winning economist Jan Tinbergen's help, organized an important conference in Europe on the world economy, and the next year they published its proceedings in a book provocatively entitled World Peace through World Economy. The point was that the old verities of World Peace through World Law were no longer sufficient; minimalism did not meet the world's needs. One achievement of the new economic literacy that youth brought into the federalist movement was the United Nations' grant to WAWF of consultative status with the Economic and Social Council in 1970, which reversed the U.N. denial in 1950. Another achievement was articulating Third World demands for justice years before the underdeveloped countries called for a New International Economic Order in the U.N. (1974). Today, all internationalists are maximalists.

* * *
What now is to be done? "To understand is hard," wrote Sun Yat-sen, the founder of the Chinese Republic; "once one understands, action is easy." Our world is lacking a voice of the people. Democracy is not voting every two or four years. Democracy is the rule of the people. Modern republics were established to protect the liberties of the people; is it impossible that a government of the Earth could do the same? Before you act, you should study. There's no hurry, but you really should make a little room for some old books that are full of light for the future. Start with the Federalist Papers by Madison, Hamilton, and Jay. Numbers 9, 10, 15, 16, 17, 21, 23, 39, 46, and 51 are especially relevant today, on analogy with the international situation under the U.N. Charter. Do read the U.N. Charter and note such principles as Article 2(4) that member states renounce the threat and use of force, and 2(3) that they pledge to resolve their disputes by peaceful means. For a plan designed to establish both peace and justice, see Robert M. Hutchins, G.A. Borgese, and others' A Preliminary Draft of a World Constitution (most recently republished in Falk, Johansen, and Kim, eds. The Constitutional Foundations of World Peace). For a more minimal plan, leaving justice for future amendment, see Grenville Clark and Louis B. Sohn, World Peace through World Law. For the European Union, where the most progress toward the federation of modern states has been made, you could not go wrong with the long-range reflections of its founder, Jean Monnet's Memoirs. Take a look too at the Spinelli plan, enacted in the European Parliament after it had been made directly elected by the people in 1979, the Draft Treaty Establishing the European Union (1984).

There is lots that you can do, principally to build up a world citizenry, ready to enjoy the liberties as well as to perform the duties of a world federal government. Whatever you do, strive to build solidarity with other national peoples as potential world citizens. The time is too early to draft the world constitution. But get ready for the crisis that will create the conditions for such an inaugural act. Build up the new order in the midst of the collapse of the old. Sing a song. Tell a joke not at the expense of some minority. Teach not the glories of war but good judgment and imagination. Teach harmony- marry a kindred soul and keep peace at home. Raise two responsible, unspoiled children, considerate of others, to add to the stock of those who, like Thoreau, are mature enough not to need government. Live abroad, learn a foreign language. Find work that will build linkages across borders, as in business in the age of globalization. Do business in the Middle East or China. Practice democracy at home-contribute to affordable housing. Read histories of your country and especially of others from their point of view, like Russia, Vietnam, Iraq. Don't teach "American exceptionalism" and neo-imperialism. Imitate the Dutch and the Austrians-once great powers that have learned to live modestly with respect for their neighbors, giving generously to the poor, as in the global South. Study science, make a million dollars, and sign up for a space flight. Signal the stars by radio. Warn them that we're here!

There is still more you can do for world federation. Prepare for the Revolution. It will not be televised. It will be live. Put away your guns. We don't need another nut with a gun. Take a leaf from the book of ethics by Jesus of Nazareth (Matthew 5), Leo Tolstoy, Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr., and Daniel Berrigan. Remember that non-violent resistance brought down not only the British empire in India, but also Jim Crow laws in the U.SA., Ferdinand Marcos in the Philippines, one-party Communist rule in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union itself, and even worse repression at Tiananmen Square. Be ready to die for popular world government, but do not kill. We cannot escape the truth that there is no greater love than willingness to lay down one's life for one's friends.

In America, there are many things to do. Become reacquainted with what it once meant to be an American. Read Madison, Hamilton, Jefferson, Franklin, Washington. Stand in the Lincoln Memorial and read Abraham Lincoln's First and Second Inaugural Addresses. When tears come to your eyes, you are understanding. Listen on the Net to FDR's Fireside Chats. Read again the Atlantic Charter by Roosevelt and Churchill. Downscale the armed forces to those still needed for defense but not for the "projection of power." Do better than the anti-Vietnam War peace movement. End not one war but all wars. Remember that the atomic attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki killed principally civilians. Don't give money to the federalists until it is time for decisive action: give an hour of your time.

Watch out for those in the Establishment who will seize the next historic opportunity to go back to the old nationalist ways, like Truman undercutting the new U.N. and giving us the Cold War. Return to friendship with the French. Respect the Russians: they have been here for a thousand years. Rejoice that we never made war on the Red Chinese! Remind the Jews and the Palestinians that they are kindred. Remember that Iraq is the cradle of civilization. Iran is one of Arnold Toynbee's seven surviving civilizations. They want nuclear weapons because we and their neighbors have them: hold your fire. Islam is another great civilization. Find out the Muslims' grievances and stop assuming that they "hate freedom." Let the Koreans reunite. Remember that we came out of Africa. Help Africa federate, as Kwame Nkruma advocated: in union there is strength. Buy Cuban sugar: fifty years is enough for a blockade. Labor-no matter what you read in the financial pages-has dignity. Respect honest toil. Empty the prisons. Keep the door open to immigrants. We are a country of immigrants. We are an image of One World united.